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Other practices included property damage, sabotage of cars, purposely incorrect medical treatment, smear campaigns including sending falsified compromising photos or documents to the victim's family, denunciation , provocation , psychological warfare , psychological subversion , wiretapping , bugging , mysterious phone calls or unnecessary deliveries, even including sending a vibrator to a target's wife.

Usually, victims had no idea that the Stasi were responsible. Many thought that they were losing their minds, and mental breakdowns and suicide could result.

One great advantage of the harassment perpetrated under Zersetzung was that its subtle nature meant that it was able to be plausibly denied.

This was important given that the GDR was trying to improve its international standing during the s and 80s, especially in conjunction with the Ostpolitik of West German Chancellor Willy Brandt massively improving relations between the two German states.

After German reunification, revelations of the Stasi's international activities were publicized, such as its military training of the West German Red Army Faction.

Recruitment of informants became increasingly difficult towards the end of the GDR's existence, and, after , there was a negative turnover rate of IMs.

This had a significant impact on the Stasi's ability to survey the populace, in a period of growing unrest, and knowledge of the Stasi's activities became more widespread.

Stasi officers reportedly had discussed re-branding East Germany as a democratic capitalist country to the West, which in actuality would have been taken over by Stasi officers.

On 7 November , in response to the rapidly changing political and social situation in the GDR in late , Erich Mielke resigned. As part of this decision, the Ministerrat originally called for the evolution of the AfNS into two separate organizations: a new foreign intelligence service Nachrichtendienst der DDR and an "Office for the Protection of the Constitution of the GDR" Verfassungsschutz der DDR , along the lines of the West German Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz , however, the public reaction was extremely negative, and under pressure from the "Round Table" Runder Tisch , the government dropped the creation of the Verfassungsschutz der DDR and directed the immediate dissolution of the AfNS on 13 January The same ministry also took guardianship of remaining AfNS facilities.

When the parliament of Germany investigated public funds that disappeared after the Fall of the Berlin Wall , it found out that East Germany had transferred large amounts of money to Martin Schlaff through accounts in Vaduz , the capital of Liechtenstein , in return for goods "under Western embargo".

Moreover, high-ranking Stasi officers continued their post-GDR careers in management positions in Schlaff's group of companies. For example, in , Herbert Kohler, Stasi commander in Dresden, transferred million marks to Schlaff for "harddisks" and months later went to work for him.

With the fall of the GDR the Stasi was dissolved. Stasi employees began to destroy the extensive files and documents they held, by hand, fire and with the use of shredders.

When these activities became known, a protest began in front of the Stasi headquarters, [76] The evening of 15 January saw a large crowd form outside the gates calling for a stop to the destruction of sensitive files.

The building contained vast records of personal files, many of which would form important evidence in convicting those who had committed crimes for the Stasi.

The protesters continued to grow in number until they were able to overcome the police and gain entry into the complex. Once inside, specific targets of the protesters' anger were portraits of Erich Honecker and Erich Mielke which were trampled on or burnt.

Among the protesters were former Stasi collaborators seeking to destroy incriminating documents. Those who opposed opening the files cited privacy as a reason.

Pastor Rainer Eppelmann , who became Minister of Defense and Disarmament after March , felt that new political freedoms for former Stasi members would be jeopardized by acts of revenge.

They also argued against the use of the files to capture former Stasi members and prosecute them, arguing that not all former members were criminals and should not be punished solely for being a member.

There were also some who believed that everyone was guilty of something. Peter-Michael Diestel , the Minister of Interior, opined that these files could not be used to determine innocence and guilt, claiming that "there were only two types of individuals who were truly innocent in this system, the newborn and the alcoholic".

Other opinions, such as the one of West German Interior Minister Wolfgang Schäuble , believed in putting the Stasi behind them and working on German reunification.

Others argued that everyone should have the right to see their own file, and that the files should be opened to investigate former Stasi members and prosecute them, as well as not allow them to hold office.

Opening the files would also help clear up some of the rumors that were currently circulating. Some also believed that politicians involved with the Stasi should be investigated.

This treaty took the Volkskammer law further and allowed more access and use of the files. Along with the decision to keep the files in a central location in the East, they also decided who could see and use the files, allowing people to see their own files.

In , following a declassification ruling by the German government, the Stasi files were opened, leading people to look for their files. Between and , around 2.

Another big issue was how the media could use and benefit from the documents. It was decided that the media could obtain files as long as they were depersonalized and not regarding an individual under the age of 18 or a former Stasi member.

This ruling not only gave the media access to the files, but also gave schools access. Even though groups of this sort were active in the community, those who were tracking down ex-members were, as well.

Many of these hunters succeeded in catching ex-Stasi; however, charges could not be made for merely being a member.

The person in question would have to have participated in an illegal act, not just be a registered Stasi member. Mielke was sentenced to six years prison for the murder of two policemen in Honecker was charged with authorizing the killing of would-be escapees on the east—west frontier and the Berlin Wall.

During his trial, he went through cancer treatment. Because he was nearing death, Honecker was allowed to spend his final time in freedom.

He died in Chile in May Reassembling the destroyed files has been relatively easy due to the number of archives and the failure of shredding machines in some cases "shredding" meant tearing paper in two by hand and documents could be recovered easily.

It is estimated that this task may be completed at a cost of 30 million dollars. West Germany asked for their return and received some in April There a number of memorial sites and museums relating to the Stasi in former Stasi prisons and administration buildings.

In addition, offices of the Stasi Records Agency in Berlin, Dresden, Erfurt, Frankfurt-an-der-Oder and Halle Saale all have permanent and changing exhibitions relating to the activities of the Stasi in their region.

Memorial and Education Centre Andreasstrasse - a museum in Erfurt which is housed in a former Stasi remand prison. From until , over political prisoners were held on remand and interrogated in the Andreasstrasse prison, which was one of 17 Stasi remand prisons in the GDR.

It was the first time East Germans had undertaken such resistance against the Stasi and it instigated the take over of Stasi buildings throughout the country.

It was used as a prison by the Soviet occupying forces from to , and from to by the Stasi. The Stasi held and interrogated between 12, and 15, people during the time they used the prison.

The building was originally a 19th-century paper mill. It was converted into a block of flats in before being confiscated by the Soviet army in The Stasi prison and offices were occupied by local citizens on 5 December , during a wave of such takeovers across the country.

The museum and memorial site was opened to the public in The building was the Stasi district offices and a remand prison from until , after which the Volkspolizei used the prison.

From to it was an execution site where 12 people sentenced to death were executed. The prison closed in It has been a cultural centre and a memorial to the victims of political tyranny since June , managed by the Museum Viadrina.

The building was also the district offices of the Stasi administration. Between and over 2, people were held in the prison on political grounds.

The memorial site opened with the official name "Die Gedenk- und Begegnungsstätte im Torhaus der politischen Haftanstalt von bis und bis " in November Part of the prison, built , was used by the Stasi from until , during with time over 9, political prisoners were held in the prison.

From it was mainly used for women prisoners. The name "Roter Ochse" is the informal name of the prison, possibly originating in the 19th century from the colour of the external walls.

It still operates as a prison for young people. Since , the building which was used as an interrogation centre by the Stasi and an execution site by the Nazis has been a museum and memorial centre for victims of political persecution.

Between and the Stasi shared another prison with the civil police. The prison at Moritzplatz was used by the Volkspolizei from until Between and , more than 10, political prisoners were held in the prison.

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